Bhutan, often referred to as “Shangri-la” by the western world has a gory past – it once forced over 75,000 Nepali-speaking people, the Lhotshampas, to leave. They languished in refugee camps in eastern Nepal for over 20 years as protracted talks between Nepal and Bhutan never reached a solution. Meanwhile, their population increased and their difficulties multiplied. Finally, the US and several other Western nations, including Canada, Australia, New Zealand, Britain, Denmark, Sweden and the Netherlands, started resettling them in their own countries. This week, the 90,000th refugee resettled in the US. However Bhutan was never held responsible for the genocidal eviction of about 15 percent of the country’s population, which amounts to a ‘crime against humanity’. About 15,000 refugees are still living in two camps in Nepal and are faced with an uncertain future.

Meanwhile, in response to a letter from the US Senator Jeanne Shaheen, Bhutan’s Prime Minister Tshering Tobgay has ruled out any possibility of repatriation. Premier Tobgay has also ruled out the possibility of allowing refugees to return and reunite with their families still living in Bhutan. While the international media was happy to treat Bhutan as the country with the alternate development model of ‘Gross National Happiness’, Himal Southasian pursued this issue with in-depth reporting.

From the Archives:

Kanak Mani Dixit’s long reportage on post eviction of the refugees. (July 1992)

Kanak Mani Dixit on how the Bhutanese Monarch’s depopulation of Lhotshampas faced the sacrosanct kingdom with dissent. (July 1994)

Bhakti Prasad Bhandari on the struggle of Teknath Rizal, the epitome of struggle for Lhotshampas. (March 1994)

Himal Southasian commentary on how, after getting rid of the Lhotshampas, the Ngalong elites have turned to Sarchops, another ethnic population in the country. (February 1998)

Karin Heissler on the gross inaction of international community to resolve the refugee crisis. (October 1998)

Kabita Parajuli on the state of the Bhutanese refugee camps and their aspirations of a return to their homeland. (January 2006)

Himali Dixit on Lhotshampa’s dilemma of Repatriation or resettlement. (June 2007)

Himal Southasian commentary that, though the Bhutanese government took resettlement as a solution to the longstanding problem, the resettled refugees will raise voice for their right to return. (January 2010)

A C Sinha on how resettled refugees are struggling to ensure the continuation of their unique lifestyle.  (April 2011)

Devendra Bhatarai calling on Nepal to quit the farce that is diplomatic talks over the Bhutanese refugees in Nepal. (June 2011)

Aletta Andre’s reportage reveals hopes of the Lhotshampas who remain in the country to get citizenship after the new government following the second democratic election is installed in Thimpu. (October 2013)

The recent BBC report about the plot to overthrow Maldivian President Yameen Abdul Gayoom; and the Al-Jazeera documentary that exposed the corruption engineered by the President and many of his aides, including members of the judiciary and police, has revealed the actual state of affairs in this island country.

The pressure on President Yameen to resign is mounting. Meanwhile, Mohammad Nasheed, the first democratically elected President, who was ousted in a bloodless coup in 2012 and who has now taken asylum in the UK, hopes to bolster the opposition to the corrupt government in power and make a comeback. Selected articles from our archives over 20 years reveal the contours of the troubled history that haunts the Maldives and makes it vulnerable to corruption at the highest level of office.

From our Archives:

Michael O’Shea and Fareesha Abdulla on the state of censorship in media during the autocratic rule of former President Maumoon Abdul Gayoom. (November 2003)

Dilrukshi Handunnetti profiles the first democratically elected president Mohamed Nasheed. (December 2008)

Sumon K Chakrabarti on Mohamed Nasheed kick-starting the investigation that looked at the involvement of Maumoon Abdul Gayoom, the three-decade satrap of the Maldives, in corruption (April 2011). It is believed that Nasheed’s this move irked the political elite resulting in his ouster in 2012.

Azra Naseem‘s analysis of the situation leading to Nasheed’s forceful resignation. (February 2012)

Azra Naseem on how the 2013 presidential polls were rigged to keep Mohamed Nasheed out. (October 2013)

Azra Naseem on how the Yameen government silenced the opposition. The article also tracks the rise of Ahmed Adeeb as the Vice President and closest confidante of the President (July 2015).

Eventually, the two men parted ways and Adeeb was incarcerated in 2015. Daniel Bosley chronicles the fall of Adeeb and also how the politics of vengeance was destroying the nascent foundations of a democratic state. (November 2015)

Azra Naseem on the vengeful persecution of political rivals including former President Mohamed Nasheed. (April 2015)

Yameen Rasheed on rising Islamic radicalism in Maldives, which played a key role in the ouster of the government of Mohamed Nasheed (June 2012)

Also this, Himal Southasian report by a ‘Maldivian’ that looked at the growing Islamisation under the then President Maumoon Abdul Gayoom and hinted at the widespread corruption in selling the atolls. (October 2003)

Following Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Independence Day speech on August 15 mentioning Gilgit-Balochistan and Pakistan-administered Kashmir, the issue has become a matter of heated exchange between India and Pakistan. Modi’s speech was in response to Pakistani President Mamnoon Hussain’s Independence Day speech, just a day before, saying that the country will continue to support Kashmiris in their struggle for the right to self-determination. Nevertheless, Balochistan is as thorny an issue to Pakistan as Kashmir is to India.

Our archival articles help understand the complex geography and history of the restive region.

From our Archives:

Urooj Zia opines that even though the Pakistani state has apologised to Balochistan’s people for the past marginalisation of the region, little has changed on the ground (June 2010)

Massoud Ansari on how Islamabad’s wilful inability to formulate a just and equitable relationship with Balochistan has led rising numbers of disaffected Baloch citizens to attempt a separation from Pakistan (May 2007)

Moeed Yusuf’s prescription to Islamabad on how it can challenge the backward-looking and competitive sardari system of Balochistan (May 2007)

Yasir Babbar on how Zardari government’s failure to fulfill two critical promises for resolving the Balochistan conflict has made the Balochs turn away from Islamabad (April 2009)

Suhas Chakma opines that Pakistan’s long line of dictatorships has left the country with little democracy and even less federalism, which is the cause of the troubles today in Balochistan (March 2006)

Shivam Vij comparing the militarisation in two sensitive conflict zones in Southasia – Kashmir on both sides of the Indo-Pak border and Balochistan (June 2012)

Irom Sharmila, who has been on a fast for sixteen years, has announced that she will call off her hunger strike on 9 August and contest the elections from Manipur. She was on a fast-unto-death since November 2000 demanding the withdrawal of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA) – that provides immunity to security forces for atrocities committed against civilians in Manipur. Here are some of our archival articles that put her struggle into perspective.

From our Archive:

Thingnam Anjulika Samom looks at initial ten years of her Satyagraha; Mukesh Rawat on how she was persecuted under India’s draconian ‘suicide’ law; Thingnam Anjulika Samom on how Irom Sharmila has become an inspiration for women in Manipur to come out and report domestic violence; Laxmi Murthy’s review of Deepti Priya Mehrotra’s Burning Bright which brings stories from Manipur; and Taran N Khan’s review of Yirmiyan Arthur Yhome’s documentary This Road I know that explores ethnic divisions and the history of violence in Nagaland and Manipur.