Tanvir Alim presents stories of struggle and resilience from Bangladesh’s hidden 10%.
From the Himal archive: Sexuality in Southasia
Circles of Sexuality (March 2008 issue)
Between invisible friends (December 2009)
Same-sex Southasia (July 2003)
The Shadow Citizens (July 1996)
‘How can we report victims who refuse to believe that they’re victims?’
By Ruchika Rai
Nepal-India border. Image: flick user jackol, CC license.
I didn’t expect to witness human-trafficking gangs being busted by anti-trafficking workers on the Indo-Nepal border in the Terai, and I was proven right. My first blow came after just two days in the field, when I saw eloping couples being passed off as trafficking cases in the record books of desperate social workers. As a vagabond journalist, the border area had always been of much interest to me; after all where can a person better study the confluence of cultures than in this ‘open’ haven of trade and crime. Nonetheless, the current status of human trafficking in two of the countries where the practice is most common seems a tad different from popular perception.
The Ujjawala Scheme of the Government of India, Women and Child Development Ministry, was rolled out in 2007-08 to prevent trafficking and promote rescue and rehabilitation of trafficking victims. Meera Samant, a Nepali anti-trafficking inspector who works under the Ujjawala Scheme, was my mentor at the Banbassa check post (Uttaranchal). The first piece of information she shared with me laid open the dim reality of anti-trafficking work. ‘Organised trafficking almost always happens through the easily accessible illegal routes between the countries, and most cases that you will find here are pertaining to women who emigrate willingly. How can we report victims who refuse to believe that they’re victims?’ she answered, puzzling me further with her question.
So does that mean there has been a decline in human trafficking? There is more than one answer to that.
According to a research paper titled ‘Myths About Human Trafficking’ by Ronald Weitzer, Professor of Sociology at George Washington University, ‘ activists and some government officials in the US claim that Human Trafficking is now the second largest criminal enterprise in the world, after drugs, as the profit generated by the industry is pegged at a staggering $5-$12 billion, annually.’ However, the author cautions against the ‘dubious nature’ of such estimates, – ‘US State Department reported in 2010 that only 0.4% of the estimated 800,000 victims have been identified and assisted worldwide.’ He adds that the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) has also put forth similar numbers, and claimed that 5000 to 10,000 women from Nepal are trafficked for sex work every year. The above statement begs us to ask why there is such a discrepancy between the estimated number of victims and the number of ones that are being identified.
Having said that, there’s still some trafficking taking place in the area, even though not on the same scale as the agency estimates suggest. So who are these people, and why are the millions of dollars currently flowing into the anti-trafficking industry of India and Nepal not able to help the situation? The old story of poor ignorant village girls being hoodwinked by city boys has no relevance anymore because even the smallest villages in Nepal are sensitised by social workers against human trafficking.
Rita Bhattarai, co-ordinator of Maiti Nepal, an NGO that works across the country and even oversees to help victims of trafficking, explained the situation: ‘Villagers do attend community awareness programs on the subject, but abject poverty and lack of entrepreneurship still results in sizeable exodus of human population. We conclude that women end up falling prey to dubious job and marriage offers oversees, and are often later forced into prostitution. However, the biggest problem for us is a sheer lack of testimonials by victims, who hardly give any details about the sexual exploitation or violence they go through.’
Families don’t accept women who once go missing or end up in prostitution. The fear of social rejection forces victims to keep encounters of sexual abuse discreet. Neha Shreshtha was only 16 years old when she decided to follow Dharam Ram, a mechanic in Delhi, to the city, only to end up being sold by him for Rs 20,000. ‘I was confident that he loved me and wanted to marry me, and so, I defied all social norms to elope with him. He did marry me, but that didn’t last for long. He then decided to get rid of me and make some money so he sold me to Raman Lal, a resident of Laxmi Nagar in Delhi, who runs a small general store,’ she said, counting on my promise to keep her identity safe. She later allowed me to use her real name, ‘I don’t think any of my acquaintances can read English. It doesn’t matter if you print my name,’ she mumbled, more to herself than to me, as if rejoicing at the fact that she still had places to go where an anonymous existence was possible. She has been hiding in her village for the last three months, and needs to find a safer place before her second master, who bought her from Lal for Rs 25000, turns up at her house.
Organised trafficking, therefore, shouldn’t really be the single-point agenda for social workers on the border. Exploitative international marriages and jobs that affect a chunk of the population, and are often recorded as human trafficking, need to be combated separately. Activists in the area believe that creating a culture of registered marriages would prove to be a great step in the direction. Similarly, job registration should be made more stringent and emigrants should be tracked right from their villages. If girls from Neha’s village were to decide to follow her footsteps and go abroad for work, they should be well geared to return safely too. Besides, criminalising prostitution has also resulted in a social stigma surrounding human trafficking, which pronounces the victim to be a culprit. Families and relatives of victims clearly need more insight into the matter too, so that rehabilitation is possible for anyone who once goes off-track.
By Erik Wilson
It’s February. For anyone that lives in Nepal or has been to Nepal you know what that means: load shedding, and lots of it. Reports this year suggest that at its peak this season, Nepal will experience around 18 hours of power cuts every single day. A friend recently told me that he wakes up in the dark and goes to sleep in the dark; his house is completely without power day after day. Forget the daily annoyances; people can’t work properly, children can’t study properly and the nation as a whole slowly grinds along waiting for the monsoons to arrive.
As such, it would seem that this is an opportune time to revisit the perennial problem that plagues Nepal’s power supply – hydroelectricity. Nepal’s current hydropower generation falls around 600 megawatts, with a demand of about 900-1000 megawatts (and growing), leaving the country with a 400 MW deficit. A recent article suggests that Nepal is only generating an additional 6 MW of hydro capacity every year out of its potential 42,000 MW of generating capacity, while demand tends to increase 10% per year on average. If these numbers continue as such for the next 10 years, Nepal’s energy deficit will have increased more than fivefold. What would appear to be a relatively approachable energy deficit now would rapidly become insurmountable. And let’s not forget, the current energy deficit equates to 18 hours a day without power during the dry season. In 10 years at these rates there will surely be 24-hour blackouts for weeks at a time.
Hopefully, in 10 years we’ll be able to look back on this piece of writing and laugh. But the fact that it’s a point of discussion, the fact that this possibility is even on the table – particularly when Nepal’s hydropower generation amounts to a meager 1.5% of its potential generation – is a travesty, and inexcusable.
The main hurdle in power generation over the past few years has been political will. Upon their ascension to power in 2008 the Maoists put forth the bold plan of generating 10,000 MW over 10 years. However, as soon as they found themselves out of power, the party rejected new hydro projects saying that most of the power would be sold to India. This is but one example of how hydropower and the general welfare of the Nepali people have been used as a political bargaining chip.
The recent deal with the Chinese to bring much needed money for hydro development to Nepal is a start, but politicians must hold true to their plans and promises, and citizens must hold them accountable. 2012 has been deemed Nepal investment year – the first step should be keeping the lights on.
A peek inside Delhi’s fire temple
by Manmeet Sahni
Dar-e-Mehr at the Delhi Parsi Anjuman is the only fire temple in the entire Northern belt of India. Its fire was consecrated on 31 December 1961. The history of Parsis (Zorastrians in India) has been of interest and intrigue to many. As per the 2001 census, the Parsi population in India is a little over 70,000. Out of this, about a third are in Mumbai and a much smaller population resides in Delhi. The community is constantly decreasing in number due to several factors, the most prominent of which are emigration, marrying outside the community and low fertility. The failure to accept a non-Parsi spouse into the Parsi community is the most common reason. Atrophy in the community is a major cause of concern for its community members as one-third of the Parsi population are over the age of 60.
Recently, Dar-e-Meher celebrated 50 years of consecration of its holy fire. It was held at the Delhi Parsi Anjuman and saw Parsi dignitaries, ‘Vada-Dasturjis’ – high priests – and scholars from all over the world taking part in the Grande affaire. The Golden Anniversary of the consecration of ‘Padshah Saheb’ (Holy Fire) was a milestone event for the Parsis and on this auspicious occasion a ‘Maha Jashn’ (Grand Celebration) was organized for the entire community. The cultural and religious amalgam was enriched with sumptuous Parsi delicacies.
The Parsis have a long history, there are enthralling ‘quissaz’ (incidental tales) pertaining to their settlement in the Indian subcontinent. One of the most prominent is the ‘Quissa-i-Sanjan’ which the Parsis have religiously endorsed as their tale of forbearance. It charts their historic lineage in India. Qissa-i-Sanjan, the epic poem which is believed to originate in the Greater Khorasan (a historic region in Greater Iran and is mentioned in the ancient accounts of Sassanid Empire) is a travelogue entailing the travels of Zoroastrian emigrants to the western shores of India (Gujarat). Soon after the Zoroastrians escaped the barbaric holds of the Islamic invaders and the Sassanian king Yazdegard, the first Fire Temple was consecrated at Sanjan (Gujarat) in 790 A.D. Qissa-i-Sanjan which is written heavily in verbose style, a typical feature of Parsian verse was authored by a Parsi priest Bahman Kaikobad Hamjiar Sanjana.
The Fire Temple of the Parsi community can be classified into three types: Atash Behram, Atash Adarn, Agiari or Dar-e-Mehr and the Atash Dadgah or the household fire found in most of Parsi homes. The Delhi Fire Temple is the Dar-e-Mehr or the Agiari. Dar-e-Mehr in Delhi is situated in the heart of the city; the premises are surrounded by plush greens and remain hidden from the public glare. On an early winter morning, as I walked down the gates of the Fire Temple, I saw beam of golden rays inaugurate the beautiful dawn prayer of ‘Hosh-e-Baam’. The sanctimonious prayer worded ‘through Asha (hope) most high, Asha (hope) most pure’ rendered a serene fervor to the place. Standing near the temple premise, the bright rows of white, golden and saffron flowers embellished the walls of the temple. The view was divine and magnificent. There were also Parsi ‘chokras’ and ‘chokris’ who stood chattering among themselves. The aunties and uncles in effervescent celebratory moods were clad in traditional costumes. The traditional hand-crafted Parsi weaves looked majestic sitting on display. Shiny metal broaches, silver and golden pendants of ‘Faravahar’ (affiliated to the Parsi guardian angel-Fravashi) adorned many.
One of my Parsi friends standing next to me whispered, “You are going to be part of our history! It is the first time that the Parsi prayers are being performed out in the open for the Non-Parsis to be a part of them.” It was a revelatory moment for me to see the Parsi priests standing on an elevated platform to perform their liturgical ceremonies. The reading from the Holy Scriptures and performances of the rituals circumscribing the holy fire was a sight of sheer beauty and joy. The holy fire burnt with élan while the vessel in which it burnt mirrored the performing priests. The event marked a new episode in the lives of the Delhi Parsis. The non-Parsi spouses were the star attraction in this historic religious event. It was an attempt to include the excluded from the community and make them feel at home, a part of the commune. This event was a significant move to cut through the age-old customs and adapt to the present times. During the course of the event, it became clear that at the heart of the debate was whether or not to adapt to the changing times, or how feasible it would be to include the ‘excluded’ Non-Parsi spouse. The elderly scholars from Iran, ‘Vada-Dasturjis’ (high priests), vividly expressed their take on the matter. There were arguments and counter-arguments to the debate. Also expressed, radical thoughts whether women priests should be introduced into the Fire Temple and should Parsi priests be involved in administrative affairs formed part of the discussion. There were concerns raised and thoughts shared about helping the economically trodden section of the community and society at large, and treatment levied on people working at the tower of silence.
Being the assistant editor of the annual golden celebratory issue of ‘Deepanjali’, a Parsi magazine, I got a rare opportunity to have a proximate interaction with the people from the community. “Parsis are a close-knit community” remarked Mrs. Dhun Bagli, manager of the Delhi Parsi Anjuman. “It is tragic that the community is on a steady decline, but the rules set by our ancestors need to be respected”.
Novy Kapadia, grandson to the first president of the Delhi Parsi Anjuman clarifies, “In a global society where more and more Parsis are emigrating, how can one control the community members and make them adhere to the age-old rules? It is important to advocate freedom of choice and to respect the same.” It is evident that the younger generation is quite unhappy with the systematic orthodoxy practiced and prescribed by a certain section of myopic religious visionaries in India and elsewhere, mostly by the Mumbai tribe of Parsis. This old-world rule is being widely challenged and criticized as more and more Parsis are opting for inter-cultural marriage these days. Seventy-three year old Mrs. Ava Khullar, trustee of the Delhi Parsi Anjuman, is married to a Hindu. She forcefully pointed out, “Our community is disappearing from the face of earth.” How long would we hold onto the obscure belief of self-preservation and intermarriage leading to a dilution of faith and weakening of cultural bonds?
Dadi Mistry, President, Delhi Parsi Anjuman expressed his eagerness to involve the Parsi youth in the affairs of the community. “Community building should come through the younger generation. They should feel responsible to carry forward the Parsi ways and I feel that with changing times, we should be open to change and adapt where necessary. There are so many things that one should be concerned about, like the preservation of the historical documents and issues pertaining to ‘Para-mobed’ (temporary priest).” The priesthood in the community is more or less inheritance based, but of late, the trend is changing. The community is now facing a dearth of priests as the younger lot prefers to pursue occupations other than becoming a priest. The meager amount paid for the priestly ‘duties’ is one significant reason driving the Parsi priests out of their current occupation, along with other occupational hazards like long hours of standing near the smoke and fire. Para-Mobeds (trained priests who perform the daily rituals at the temple) are now coming to the fore. A proper training is given to ensure the priestly rites are performed in accordance to the norms of the temples.
There is a dire need to gut out the orthodoxies apparently required for ‘self-preservation’, to ensure preservation in a real sense of the word. As the priests marked an epoch in the Parsi history with the Hosh-e-Baam I attended, there was a ray of hope among many in the crowd who had voiced their deep-rooted concern: “We do not want our community to perish.”
By Cindy Zahnd
Baba Jan
The theme of the discussion last weekend at Café Bol in Lahore’s Main Market was ‘Political prisoners in Pakistan’. Over 40 people, most of them university students, attended the event.
Farooq Tariq, spokesperson of the Labour Party Pakistan, introduced the discussion by saying that 14 members and supporters of his party are now in jail because of their political engagement, five of them in Gilgit and nine in Faisalabad. He explained that in Gilgit, Baba Jan – a well-known activist, leader of the Labour Party and of its youth wing, the Progressive Youth Front – has been detained with four of his comrades for over five months now. Tariq said their crime was to support the victims of the Attabad lake disaster that affected about 25,000 people in Hunza valley in 2010. In the summer 2011, while the victims of the disaster were peacefully protesting against corruption in the government’s financial compensation scheme, a policeman fired at the crowd, killing a young man and his father. The population of the valley rose up against this heinous act and instead of punishing the police assassin, the state responded by arresting protesters by the dozen. All of them were eventually released except for five, all of them members of the Labour Party who are now being accused of terrorism. Farooq Tariq then went on to explain that in Faisalabad, nine power-loom workers are in jail, six of them having recently been convicted on terrorism charges and have been sentenced to 99 years of imprisonment each. All of them are members of the Labour Qaumi Movement that organised a strike in 2010 for the implementation of the 17% wage increase announced by the government. According to Farooq Tariq, fake FIRs were registered against them a few days after the strike by the owners of a factory and they were charged with terrorism. Their appeal is now being filed in the Lahore High Court.
Mian Qayyum, chaiman of the Labour Qaumi movement, then talked about the history of the movement, their struggle for the power-loom workers, and shared his personal experience. He tells: ‘I was a supporter of Jamaat-e-Islami and even got trained in Afghanistan with them. One day, I made a list of over 40 members of the Jamaat who were factory owners and called for a meeting with all of them. I had a very naive suggestion for them: what if they started treating the workers in their factories better? That would grant us a lot of support wouldn’t it? Their outrage at my suggestions made me understand their true nature.’ Later on, another event would lead to another turning point in his life. He was working in a power-loom factory when one day he saw a worker being beaten up by some police officers. A crowd of workers were gathered around them, powerless. Mian Qayyum jumped at the police officers in defense of the worker and his act gave the other workers the courage to intervene and save their colleague from the police. It turned out that the owner of the factory he worked in had called the police to arrest him because he had left work two hours before time the previous day to attend a funeral. That day Mian Qayyum gained the trust and the admiration of hundreds. The workers started coming to him to talk about their issues and that is how the Labour Qaumi Movement was born. Today, 14 activists are working full-time for the movement, their salaries paid by the contributions of the members. Last November, they organised a jalsa in support for their colleagues in jail that was attended by over 5,000. Mian Qayyum ended by inviting the audience to support their struggle and to help them put pressure on the government to secure the release of the workers.
A friend of Baba Jan then spoke in his name. He provided a detailed account of the struggle for socio-economic justice, exposing the government’s false claims of granting autonomy to the people of Gilgit-Baltistan and explaining its interest in suppressing any growth in political consciousness among the people. Answering a question, he talked about the deplorable conditions in which Baba Jan and his comrades are detained without heating in the freezing weather. He also talked about the methods of torture used by the state in its failed attempts to obtain false confessions from him and his comrades. But his tone was positive and his words inspiring when he talked about their struggle against what he terms Pakistan’s colonial rule. He explained how since he was jailed, Baba Jan has become an idol for the youth of Gilgit-Baltistan and he is being compared with Bhagat Singh, the revolutionary freedom fighter.
He concluded the discussion with a message to the youth saying it was their responsibility to play their role in bringing about the required revolutionary changes in society and cited Baba Jan saying: ‘We all need to look beyond our own personal needs if we wish to establish a just and dignified society for future generations.’
~ Cindy Zahnd is a Swiss cheese lover who has a thing for Pakistani decorated trucks. She is currently based in Lahore.
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