‘To all the Tibetans in-exile living in Nepal’

March 10th, 2010 by himaldesk
Click for the full-sized image

Click for the full-sized image

A Kathmandu-ite might barely register the seemingly random presence of police in riot gear appearing at the mere rumour of some political rally or strike. So the extra presence in various places around the valley today – near the UN’s central headquarters, near the two Chinese diplomatic enclaves, at major cross-streets – might easily pass without notice. But 10 March marks the 51st anniversary of the Tibetan uprising (now commonly referred to as Uprising Day for its annual marking) against the Chinese military presence, which led to the exile of the Dalai Lama – and the refugee population that now maintains a community in Nepal and elsewhere. The UN House and other Kathmandu markers have frequently been sites of peaceful protest that, on occasion, has lead to inordinate and violent police retaliation, most recently in the lead-up to the 2008 Beijing Olympics.

That year, of course, also marked the massive demonstrations that swept through Tibet itself and elsewhere around the world – including in Kathmandu, where protesters demonstrated daily for months in the aftermath of the Spring 2008 anti-government show of force. Eventually, those daily demonstrations became a significant bugbear in relations between the Nepali and Chinese governments, infuriating Beijing and embarrassing Kathmandu. Nepal’s various governments have since consistently reiterated their commitment to China’s policy towards Tibet, backing their statements with firm action on protesters. But a letter dated 8 March from the Tibetan Refugee Welfare Committee of Kathmandu, currently making its rounds in the community, makes the ominous allegation that the Nepali police have been going so far as to threaten some extremely dire consequences to the kinds of protests Kathmandu has seen in the past. In a stark warning to the community, the letter states that, in the areas deemed off limits to demonstrators, “the police may even resort to shoot[ing].” As news of arrests of Tibetan activists continue to trickle in, the accompanying photographs taken today around the valley indicate that the Nepali government will continue to channel the paranoia of Beijing.

IMG_9873police 007police 010

Cracks in the facade

March 3rd, 2010 by himaldesk

“Nepal has experienced dramatic change in the past few decades, the pace of which exceeds that of any other time in its history. Indeed, the changes that have occurred between the 1950s and the present may exceed those of the preceding five centuries,” Scott Faiia writes in the Photo feature of our February issue where he compared his photographs of Kathmandu today from the pictures he had taken over the years. (If you haven’t had a chance to check them out, you can see the set here. There’s also an album at our Facebook fanpage.) It’s a point  that’s forcefully illustrated by recent events. Scott has emailed us with an update of a pair of pictures we ran. In the piece he wrote,  in reference to a building in Boudhanath, that despite the structural fidelity, “[t]he addiction of signboards and new shops has markedly changed the building’s character.”  Now, however, that facade may be visited with more drastic changes:

I was out at Boudha over Losar and walked by the building that was included in the photo essay of the February issue of Himal South Asia. The photos in the article were twenty one years apart but the physical structure of the building had not changed. I was quite shocked to see that the building was no longer there. Unfortunately it has been destroyed and a new modern concrete structure is under construction. We will have to wait to see what the exterior of the new building will look like. Hopefully it will blend harmoniously with the environment there.

I will be checking with the local community to see if they are aware how the new building was designed. I will also check with UNESCO to see if there are any regulations for construction at this World Heritage site.

1988

1988

2009

2009

2010

2010

Scott would appreciate any updates of this building or any other buildings in the area. If you have any pictures comparing the past and present environs of the Boudhanath, post them on our Facebook fanpage (http://www.facebook.com/himal.southasian) or send us a mail to our web editor at alstond@himalmag.com. Scott will also keep us updated as he investigates further.

M.F. Hussain and the Nature of the Indian Right

March 1st, 2010 by Vijay Vikram

BharatMataOne of the misfortunes of having an intellectual sympathy for the political Right in India is that one automatically finds oneself in the company of unbecoming Hindu goons, be they online or in the field. As legitimate political activity in India is set on a default left-liberal setting, it is in the normal order of things quite problematic to find a desi political animal to engage with who is possessed of a sense of public service and a strong sense of national identity.

The ones who do represent the aforementioned themes and other programmes dear to the heart of the Indian political animal often also couple these admirable political sentiments with quite a nasty anti-cosmopolitanism, not to mention a general distaste for Muslims. The latest brouhaha over a 95-year-old Indian painter’s decision to accept Qatari citizenship is a case in point. Without going into the stultifying details of this non-controversy, it is possible to illustrate the dilemma faced by the urban nationalist. On the one hand, there is the establishment media with all its shrillness busy bestowing titles of greatness upon Mr. Hussain, on the other, we have the cyber crusaders intent on punishing the nonagenarian for his treachery. Can you be a man of the Right and refuse to rain abuse on M.F. Hussain? For a child of that Indo-Persian synthesis called Hindustan and an advocate of assertive political action, this can cause a fair degree of cognitive dissonance.

If the choice is between urban cosmopolitanism however – a distinctly apolitical concern – and a movement that promises vigorous and ambitious national reform, the political animal ought to waste little time.

In an India that does not maintain a conscious commitment to the secularism that was so dear to her founding father, the only meaningful political-reformist impulses are to be found within that broad church called the Hindu movement. There is little doubt that the secularist project held enough promise to animate independent India’s Oxbridge-educated nation builders and for that matter, much of the professional elite. The vision of a progressive, religion-blind, postcolonial power was surely an attractive one for the champagne socialist. However, the democratising impulse inherent to Nehru’s nation building project ensured that a genuine commitment to secularism was gradually overwhelmed by the parochialism that comes naturally to a feudal society such as India. Nehru’s all-encompassing pan-Indian vision was to founder dreadfully on the rocks of region, religion and caste. Secularism in India means little more than being nice to Muslims and Christians. Although this is an admirable sentiment, it surely cannot form the basis of a comprehensive national philosophy.

1337_Nehru

The history of independent India’s politics is the history of the Congress ceding the nation-building imperative to the political Right. Why this has happened is a matter of debate. Perhaps the Congress, post-1947 really was a facade built around the gigantic political personality of Nehru and once he went, so did the fire of his guiding philosophy. One can scarcely accuse his daughter and her heirs of having much of a political Weltanschauung. Perhaps it can be accounted for by the vigorous activism of the Hindu right and the religiosity of the Hindu masses that in another era, Gandhi used to great effect.

Two points are clear though: India is a nation that still needs building and because the secularist project has run out of steam and fails to inspire the desi political animal, the only prescriptions for audacious political renewal are to be found in proposals put forth by modernisers from within the Hindu camp. There may be passionate men and women with an avowed commitment to Indian secularism residing in Delhi and Bombay who would contend the latter claim. What they fail to realise however is that they expend so much energy in fighting off the march of the Right and its pernicious agendas that they have little time to indulge in visions of societal renewal and meaningful political engagement. Machiavelli’s ideal of the political animal – one who sought the fulfilment and the glory that comes from the creation and maintenance by common endeavour of a strong and well-governed social whole – seems lost in the mediocre soap opera that is Indian politics.

The tasks facing the desi political animal then, are certainly not straightforward but necessary. He must utilise the energies unleashed by the right to create an atmosphere conducive to su-raj or good government. In practical terms this means committing oneself to policy affairs. In more normative terms, it means emphasising the political will and the ideological tenacity that comes naturally to overtly political movements. In the end, an Indian committed to political renewal has only one natural home, the Right, warts and all.

- Vijay Vikram

Activist for a Brave New Region

February 25th, 2010 by admin

Kanak Mani Dixit’s speech at the The Prince Claus Award ceremony at the Patan Museum, 23 February 2010 :

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Audio from the Ceremony’s musical program by Madan Gopal Singh and his troupe — Deepak Castelino, Pritam Ghosal and Gurmeet Singh featuring Shyam Nepali on the Sarangi :

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Afsan Chowdhury writes a tribute to Himal Southasian editor Kanak Mani Dixit on the occasion of the Prince Claus Award. Audio of Mr. Dixit’s speech and a selection from the music program from the award follows the text.

An appreciation  by Afsan  Chowdhury on the occasion of Prince Claus Award:

There are many people who dream but few can turn dreams into action. Kanak Mani Dixit is one of those very few whose dreams are endless and whose actualisations are many – a man whose actions have impacted far beyond his own native land and influenced the way many think about South Asia, its people and their historical purpose.

Kanak’s core background is journalism, and his success in this chosen field is above question. Steering the Himal publication, he has set editing and publishing standards for entire South Asia, in content planning, editing perspectives, and magazine design and graphics as well. Kanak has demonstrated that South Asian focal points don’t have to be located in the big countries of the region but can be anywhere that an idea is alive and can be nurtured. In doing so, he has also showcased what Nepal can do and made it look shinier than ever before.

In Nepal Kanak Dixit is known for the many activities that he pursues that express his multiplicity of interests and spirit of excellence. It’s this track record of success in so many diverse fields that makes him so special. He manages a string of media outfits with the same interest and love that he runs his restaurant. His Film South Asia is now an international event. It has given South Asia a global profile and has made people from all over not only enjoy but celebrate documentaries as an evolving form of information art. And Kanak Dixit gave birth to this institution with almost no resources save his energy, imagination and organising skill.

People often speak about his zest for living – he seems to be having fun in an unthrown but never ending party called life. That is true, but he has also taken the stones on his back and has the lumps to prove it. For decades he has been one of the leading human rights activists of Nepal and, during the uprising against the Nepalese monarchy, his non-violent protest landed him in jail several times, while his criticism of extremist violence made him a target of the Maoists as well. Kanak Dixit brings to the socio-political space the objective of sup porting civil liberty and justice against all odds and in all conditions. His willing ness to follow the unpopular path often draws criticism but ultimately vindicates the legitimacy of legality, constitutionality and rule of law in public life in any society. In a region where it’s almost taken for granted that such values are ‘politically unaffordable’, he has battled for them ceaselessly.

His interest in increasing the horizons of civil society activities has gone on and on. Kanak has invested time and resources to revive ancient forms of painting, resurrected horse stables to turn them into lecture halls, preserved archival documents, organised international seminars and events, and introduced Nepal to the rest of the world like few have before him. And there are so many more actions and achievements in that list. Kanak Dixit has even fallen off the mountain but instead of killing him, it motivated him to devote his energy to setting up the spinal treatment centre in Kathmandu that serves hundreds who suffer from injuries like he once did.

All these parts can’t sum up the total person that Kanak Dixit is or will be as he walks into his future. He is a sum of many entrepreneurs and individuals, visionaries and activists, organisers and connoisseurs, ensuring that the past and present of Nepal is accessible to all and cherished by all.

But Kanak Dixit’s outstanding achievement may be in his just and humane vision of a regional identity that doesn’t ignore the political states that make up South Asia. It focuses on the socio-cultural identity that holds more than a billion people together. This has been asserted most actively in his writings, lectures, media products and events promoting South Asia. By creating a space where writers and intellectuals from the region and elsewhere can meet on the common pages of a common vision, he has shown everyone a glimpse of a brave new region, where every citizen enjoys the respect of others and a sense of dignity. That is his greatest triumph.

Kanak Dixit’s most famous literary creation is a frog called Bhaktaprasad Bhyaguto, who traveled all over Nepal and learnt about his homeland in an enchanting and entertaining manner. In a way Kanak Dixit is the wise frog of Nepal, who has set out to bring not just Nepal to the Nepalese but South Asia to the South Asians. There can be no nobler venture than this and few can carry out this difficult but wonderful task better than the person honoured today with this Prince Claus Award.

Kathmandu meri jaan

February 15th, 2010 by laxmim
top of the world/bottom of the list

top of the world/bottom of the list

Kathmandu is one of the least liveable cities in the world, according to the just-released Economist Intelligence Unit’s latest ranking. Cities in Canada and Australia hog the top ten spots, with Vienna and Helsinki elbowing their way into the elite few.  Stability, healthcare, culture and environment, education and infrastructure are ranked, but cost of living is not. Who, really, can afford to live in these ‘liveable’ cities, where no doubt, real estate prices will have further reason to skyrocket following the publication of rankings such as these. And of course, what is not ranked is how dull and boring these liveable cities might be, how lacking in spice.

The “greatest” cities, London (54th position), and New York in (56th) do badly on the EIU ranking, pulled down by their “stability” factor (or lack thereof). With fear and insecurity amongst the citizenry on a high, the vibrancy and appeal of these legendary metropolises don’t stand a chance. And Mumbai, whose fantasy status in most Southasian hearts is unchallenged to date, is ranked 117. If livability was put at premium, would Mohammad Rafi have crooned the immortal “Aye dil hai mushkil jeena yahan Zara hat ke zara bach ke, yeh hai Bombay meri jaan”. (gist being: Bombay is tough, man, but it’s my heart!).

A staunch Delhi-phobe, I wonder how it is that a wretched city like Delhi has not been relegated to the bottom of list, as the least liveable of cities? It has scored comparatively higher than it’s counterparts in Southasia, at 113, better than Colombo (132), Kathmandu (133), Karachi (135), and Dhaka (138). The only reason Kabul is not amongst the bottom 10 is that Afghanistan, like Iraq was not deemed fit to even rank.

While most Southasian cities are written off as notorious unliveable hell-holes, I must offer a defence of Rank No.133. And here are just some of the reasons:

  1. Kathmandu offers a ring-side view of national politics, literally played out on the streets. The palpable excitement and the undeniable high of witnessing history being made wins over even the most hardened of souls. And everyone knows someone in power here.
  2. You can discuss politics with the grocer, milkman, taxi driver, and several activists of various political parties and be privy to as many different views.
  3. Walking around the city (because of a bandh, a traffic jam or because you like it), keeps you fit and alert.
  4. When the haze and dust clears (more often than the cynics tell you), you get stupendous views of snow-capped peaks from your office window or the roof of your home. On a clear day you can even see the Sagarmatha (really).
  5. You get organic produce in every street corner… mostly everything is organic anyway. Not to mention exotica like asparagus and tofu at every corner sabziwalla.
  6. You can get gourmet cuisine in the most fancy of restaurants for the most unfancy of prices. And everything is discounted and bargainable, including in the malls. The price on the tag is designed to make you feel good that you’re getting it so cheap.
  7. You can call up a friend (who is more often than not free for the evening) and go for a movie at 10 minutes notice (and usually get tickets when you saunter in).
  8. You can catch up on reading and other offline activities like playing carom and ludo with the kids during load shedding hours. You can contemplate the stars, hear the birds and even hear yourself think.
  9. Your kids can play in the lane with no fear of being run over by maniacal youngsters behind the wheels. They can go unaccompanied to the corner store, and the only reason they are not back immediately is that they are playing with the shop-owner’s baby, not because they have been abducted.
  10. When your kids throw up in a micro-bus, splattering half-digested momos all around, co-passengers coo all over the little tots “Ah naaani,” they go, with generous offers of tissues and water, rather than draw their pistols and throw you and your nauseous kids out.

The list can go on. Suffice it to say, “Kathmandu meri jaan”.

FROM THE ARCHIVE: Our October 2008 double issue on Cities
oct-nov
‘Golden cities, golden towns’ by Madhusree Dutta
Is a megalopolis such as Bombay defined by its neighbourhoods, or is it the other way around

‘The Valley’s relentless growth by Kabita Parajuli
Struggling under poor-to-nonexistent urban planning, while massive numbers of Nepalis continue to descend on it, and hemmed in by the valley rim – what will happen to  Kathmandu Valley?

‘The pampered Islamabadites’ by Raza Rumi
Despite regular criticism of its detachment from the rest of the country, Pakistan’s planned capital is fast turning into a metropolis.

‘Is there war in your ur?’ by S Sumathy
Jaffna remains in the hearts of many, whatever remains of the city and peninsula itself.

–Laxmi Murthy


Back to Indo-Pak talks

February 14th, 2010 by Iqbal Khattak

–By Iqbal Khattak

India and Pakistan have finally set the date for meeting since they stopped talking to each other well over a year ago. They will meet on February 25 to discuss issues the two countries face, and Kashmir and water disputes are likely to figure out prominently at the foreign secretary-level talks in New Delhi.

India shut all channels of dialogues with archrival Pakistan to protest Mumbai attacks in November 2008 when gunmen launched coordinated attacks in the Indian city killing close to 200 people. The Indian government directly charged Pakistan with helping the attackers. The sole surviving attacker is a Pakistani citizen and Islamabad arrested a few others on charges of facilitating the attacks.

There has been a marked shift in New Delhi’s approach to the resumption of talks with Islamabad. The Indian government has been pressing that Pakistan should first dismantle terrorist networks and should not use “terrorism as tool of foreign policy.” Islamabad denies the charge and instead pleads it has been “victim of terrorism” itself. This clarification carries weightage. The Taliban-linked militancy has wrecked the country and Swat Valley alone will require around US$1 billion for its reconstruction.

US Secretary Defence Robert Gates was in the region last month and he visited both the Southasian nuclear-armed states and his one statement in India was relevant to the two countries. He cautioned that the “syndicate of terror” operating in the region is a threat that intends to provoke an India-Pakistan conflict and destabilize the region.

The two countries have enormous economic potentials to progress and make peoples live far better lives than they have now. Poverty will go away from the two countries and their peoples will not need to go to Gulf states for jobs. But we should start longing that will happen? It looks a distant dream if we look at the two governments’ willingness to forge deep political and economic relations.

My family was reluctant to see me go to India in 1996 to cover the Cricket World Cup matches forThe Frontier Post because my parents feared for my safety. However, I found that their worries were ill-founded. Then I had a chance to visit India again in 1999 when Pakistan cricket team was playing Test series after 10 years break on Indian soil. In New Delhi, an Indian sports journalist invited me and Qamar Ahmed, the famous BBC cricket journalist, to a lunch at his home. The journalist’s wife prepared some delicious Indian dishes and I still remember the achar (pickle) served with the lunch. When we were out of his apartment the Indian journalist began talking about something which you can find in both the countries.

“Now, intelligence sleuths will chase me like a bee for inviting Pakistanis to lunch at home,” the Indian journalist said shaking head in discomfort at what the two governments can do to their peoples. Qamar Ahmed told the Indian host: “It would be the same case for me if I invite you to my home in Pakistan.”

It was the same case with me. For one year I was kept under observation by Pakistani intelligence agencies after I interviewed the former Indian prime minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee in early 1999 and ex-Indian interior minister L. K. Advani when they invited both Pakistan and Indian cricket teams over a cup of tea during the Delhi Test match.

With this mindset the two governments treating its own peoples it is naïve to expect the new round of talks will pave the way for peace in the region. The two countries seem unlikely to resolve their disputes bilaterally, and without world powers’ involvement the two governments will continue to spend much of its resources on its military rather than helping its poor.

A sensible driver’s response to the sensible cyclist

February 14th, 2010 by guestblogger

- By The Gadhiwalla

Car drivers are tired of being bullied by the man!

Historically-persecuted car drivers

A sensible driver’s response to the sensible cyclist

A ten-point agreement between a four wheeler and a no-engine two wheeler

Preamble: Might makes right

One: Despite any pretension to the contrary, on the road we are equals.

One: By convention we may be equal, but pretensions show that this is not the case, so I advise you learn to be humble.

Two: When in doubt, remember: yes, I am riding my cycle because I choose to do so.

Two: While some cyclists may be environmental idealists, I must point out that the majority just can’t afford more expensive means of transport. Either way, your higher moral ground does nothing for you on traffic’s terrain.

Three: I will leave as much space in the roadway as possible, but I will not get off of my cycle to let you pass.

Three: And I will respect your space, but not when you take more than is needed.

Four: Horns are no substitute for a) prudence, b) civility or c) brakes.

Four: But horns must be respected. Believe it or not, they are often not substitutes for prudence, civility nor brakes, rather safeguards against myopia, recalcitrance and curlicued riding.

Five: Keep in mind the fact that, in most heavy-traffic situations, I’m actually faster than you. Allowing me to go first is thus just good flow management – and I’ll reciprocate when the roles are reversed.

Five: If you wish to be treated as an equal, do not ask for exceptions. In most heavy-traffic situations, you are to wait in line the same way us larger vehicles do. And when the light turns red, you stop. Do not get off your bike to walk across the street.

Six: Based on number four, if you cut me off unnecessarily I will do everything in my power to return the favour immediately. If you’re planning on turning quickly, just wait the additional few seconds behind me.

Six: From one human to another, our equipment aside, I would advise against hot-headedness.

Seven: If you are in the wrong lane, that means that you are in the WRONG LANE – neither high speed, nor loud sounds, nor flashing lights nor generally acting like a jerk make for right of way when you’re in the wrong lane.

Seven: Ok, but on a similar note, imaginations of stealth because of your slighter size does not validate your riding in the WRONG DIRECTION. Neither are you a pedestrian, so STAY OFF THE SIDEWALKS.

Eight: Oh, you’ve noticed that I am fitter and more energetic than you are, not to mention less of a blowhard? So have I. Oh, you’ve noticed that people can stand behind my cycle and not cough and wipe their eyes? So have I.

Eight: If this is about impressing people, have you noticed my bulging bank account? And am I the one with an unfashionable helmet on by head? I don’t think so.

Nine: Take note of the fact that I am not enclosed in steel and plastic as you are – rather, I am open to the elements, and highly damageable.

Dangerously accident-prone bicyclist "not enclosed in steel and plastic"

"not enclosed in steel and plastic"

Nine: Contrary to what you may think, I do not want to have to deal with the nuisance of an accident – otherwise why would I have chosen the comforts that come with a car?

Ten: Not being enclosed in steel and plastic, I can hear you coming from a very long ways away – no reason to blast me with your horn, unless you’re horny.

Ten: I am no clairvoyant; therefore since you lack the essential technical aides to indicate the general direction in which you are going, I would suggest using those very able, fit and energetic arms of yours.

Bonus: We will both continue to respect the egg-delivery bicyclists as the saints of the roadway.

Bonus: And we will agree to form an alliance against the ultimate impunity pests on the city streets of Kathmandu – the motorcyclists.

-The Gadhiwalla


Slow and steady

February 11th, 2010 by careyb
CREDIT: Odin L Biron
Photo credit: Odin L Biron

The multitude of other issues aside (such as, Do people really like brinjal/ aubergine/eggplant that much in the first place? Ok, the USD 2 billion annual sales in India alone notwithstanding) it was heartening to see the proudly temporary end to the debate over biotech (Bt) brinjal in India come about with such right-headed vacillation. “If you need long-term toxicity tests,” said much-pilloried pointman Environment Minister Jairam Ramesh, “then you must do it, no matter how long it takes.” Seemingly simple enough, and Ramesh had more common-sense wisdom: “There is no [freaking] hurry. [Not one of you idiots can point to any] … overriding urgency or food-security argument for [releasing] Bt brinjal [– and you know it].” (Additions by the writer.)

This kind of slow, steady decision-making, with an eye firmly on the long term and the safety (in every sense of the word) of the populace, is exactly what how government needs to engage on highly complex issues such as those surrounding the use of biotechnology in food products. (Most importantly, the new variety of brinjal is aimed at making it less tasty for the bugs that routinely ravage Indian crops.) And although Ramesh has been roundly criticised since his 9 February announcement that New Delhi was overruling a panel that had dubbed Bt brinjal safe for human consumption, the fact of the matter is that his ministry’s reasoning should also have been (at least this writer hopes) taken as a subtle rap on the knuckles to some of the overly strident anti-biotech activism that has bubbled around brinjal and cotton in the past. Far from the idea that Ramesh is purportedly being ideological in his decision-making – rejecting biotech because it is a ‘Western’ import – the fact of the matter is that the minister is keeping the door wide open for a subsequent re-appraisal of the issue.

And while the anti-biotech activists’ warning against predatory corporations and their potential future cornering of India’s endlessly lucrative seed market are not only warranted but a critical element of future decision-making, they are not the sole criteria for that process. Indeed, the longstanding complaint that enough long-term testing simply has not been possible on biotech foodstuffs remains the single most important element in that discussion – and is precisely what Ramesh is now giving voice to. Should the minister’s “long-term toxicity tests” ultimately come back with a clean chit for Bt brinjal, or anything else, it will be interesting to see how the activist line changes. After all, human tinkering with nature, while potentially frightening, has also given the world such stable ‘inventions’ as the delicious apple, the beautiful tulip and, well, the whole of agriculture and its subsequent impact on human civilisation’s ability to relax and dream a bit.

Meanwhile, the most worrying of criticism of Ramesh’s announcement has come from the scientific community. Whether this is due to indignation that the findings of the scientific committee that gave the green light to Bt brinjal’s safety have now been semi-rejected, or whether this response can be explained by the circulating rumours of hidden interest, is unclear. Either way, however, the sanctity of scientific rigour is exactly what is being upheld by this decision: there is no scientist around who can honestly say that, in the decades since biotechnology has been used on foodstuffs, there has been adequate time to say, with acceptable scientific surety, that any biotech crop is safe for widespread human use and pervasive contact with the natural world. As such, any scientist that claims to be outraged by Ramesh’s even-keeled response – that’s you, Sajiv Anand, director of the All India Crop Biotechnology Association – is not being true to his or her scientific groundings.

Of course, governments around the world are regularly denounced for not having the backbone to make difficult decisions, and hence pushing them down the road for another government to deal with. Thus, it will be similarly important to make sure that this Ramesh-style vacillation is indeed only temporary. Eventually, the time may well come that the introduction of certain biotech foods will be generally agreed-upon as a positive move, and perhaps will be hailed as a true – rather than hoped-for – victory of humankind. But until then, leave the brinjal, a native plant to the Subcontinent, along with its dozens of smallish, uniquely formed, bug-ridden, rather tasteless varieties, alone.

– Carey L Biron

Nepali Dada Party Interview Series – I

February 7th, 2010 by nepalidada

Babu meets the Dada.

Dada: Babu, timi dat kaile dekhaudainau ni. kina? (show me your teeth, babe)

Babu: I firmly see Marx’s dream before me – shooting people in the morning, carrying out surgery in the day, and becoming a hero in the evening. Does it look like I have time to brush my god damn teeth and choose between the capitalistic forces of colgate and closeup versus the imperialistic tendencies of Dabur Lal Dunta Manjan?

Dada: I thought I was the Dada. But hats off to you, you know how to kick start an interview. How do you do it?

Babu: How do I do what?

Dada: How do you do that?

Babu: What that?

Dada: that.

Babu: This is getting no where.

Dada: You think so?

Babu: Am used to it.

Dada: Ok, moving on, your party is called Maoists, what does this mean?

Babu: We are Mao’s decendents from an illegitimate affair he had with a Nepali princess.

Dada: Do communists like wai wai?

Babu: You see, this is the fundamental problem with life in Nepal. The capitalist pigs are able to feed the pigs wai wai before we can brainwash them with ideals. Wai wai tastes better and fills you up. It can be prepared in many ways – can be eaten raw, on the fly, or cooked as a proper meal… but they are reductionists – their package is smaller than what it once was.

Dada: Thank you Babu for taking part in the first interview of the Nepali Dada Party as it awaits the moment to revolutionize the revolutionaries with a counter-revolution to meet the other-revolution. Dhanya ho babu, dhanya ho!

The Secret Mobilization of …….

February 4th, 2010 by nepalidada

It has been leaked to General Public that the Nepali Dada Party was preparing to mobilize its elite youth force, the Fundamentally Upset Commoners  Klan of Energetic Revolutionaries, whose acronym cannot be spelled out   for fear of censorship by the Chinese authorities who continue to classify the Nepali Dada Party as Tibetan Nationalistic Unitary Communists.

The Nepali Dada Party firmly denies this claim. Our Revolutionaries are Upset at this unwanted accusation. It demands that General Public make his sources public immediately on all national daily and weekly newspapers so that General Public can rest assured that we as a party are a responsible bunch of bloks. We play cricket and sip tea in Nepal’s Tribhuvan. Honest!

Those broken windows were because our Fundamentally Upset Commoners  Klan of Energetic Revolutionaries are working hard to produce the next Sackin Tenderkarke. Then the imperlialistic and capitalistic powers of South Asian cricket and the IPL beware! The true legends of cricket like Bratman, War-ni, and Potluck.

Viva la Revolution!

- Dada without title, Central Committee Member of the Nepali Dada Party